http://www.journals.vu.lt/lietuvos-istorijos-studijos/issue/feed Lietuvos istorijos studijos 2019-09-17T20:35:00+03:00 Tomas Vaiseta tomas.vaiseta@if.vu.lt Open Journal Systems <p>Founded in 1992. Publishes articles on Lithuanian sociocultural and political history, cultural anthropology, heritage conservation and archaeology, the Lithuanian nation and its historical development.</p> http://www.journals.vu.lt/lietuvos-istorijos-studijos/article/view/13783 Editorial Board and Table of Contents 2019-08-08T19:37:53+03:00 Alfredas Bumblauskas istorijos.studijos@gmail.com 2019-08-08T00:00:00+03:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## http://www.journals.vu.lt/lietuvos-istorijos-studijos/article/view/13784 Author Guidelines and Bibliographic Data 2019-08-08T19:37:52+03:00 Alfredas Bumblauskas istorijos.studijos@gmail.com 2019-08-08T00:00:00+03:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## http://www.journals.vu.lt/lietuvos-istorijos-studijos/article/view/13785 The Personal Make-up of the Vilnius Fatebenefratelli in the Second Half of the 17th and the 18th Centuries 2019-09-17T20:35:00+03:00 Martynas Jakulis martynas.jakulis@if.vu.lt <p>This article addresses the fluctuations in the annual numbers of candidates accepted into the noviciate of the Fatebenefratelli, the numbers of novices who took vows, and those who withdrew from the noviciate by their own choice or were rejected; the age structure of novices, their geographical and social origins. The main sources for the study of the personal make-up of the Vilnius Fatebenefratelli (<em>Ordo S. Joannis de Deo</em>) are two books of novices (<em>libri novitiorum</em>) (1678‒1725, 1761‒1823) that supply the relevant personal information on 243 novices. The analysis revealed that 51% of the novices had successfully completed the noviciate, while others resigned by their own will or were rejected. Most candidates were aged between 18 and 37; however, the order’s internal structure and the short formation of novices allowed to accept older candidates. Most novices originated from the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, and mainly from the Vilnius, Navahrudak, Trakai palatinates and Samogitia. Most probably, this reflected the general trends of immigration to Vilnius as well as the lack of opportunities for religious vocations in Samogitia. The geographical origins of novices also show that candidates came from mainly rural localities, whereas only 30 originated from cities (including Vilnius) and towns. The sources do not adequately reveal the social origins of novices, and only sporadic mentions reveal some candidates to have come either from the nobility, towns- and tradespeople, or other groups. Nonetheless, considering their geographical origins and material status, it could be assumed that the majority of novices were of non-noble birth and originated from rural strata.</p> 2019-08-08T00:00:00+03:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## http://www.journals.vu.lt/lietuvos-istorijos-studijos/article/view/13786 The Communist Revolt in Tallinn on the 1st of December 1924 and its Diplomatic Cover-Up 2019-09-17T20:34:52+03:00 Zenonas Butkus zenonas.butkus@if.vu.lt <p xml:lang="en-US">This article, based on the archives stored in Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, and Russia and some recently published documents, investigates the coup attempted by the Soviets on December 1, 1924 in Tallinn and evaluates its consequences within the broad context of international relations. During the research, it was established that an attempt to stage a coup in Estonia had been undertaken both by the Estonian communists and the USSR leadership, which had the highest political body&nbsp;– the Politburo&nbsp;– and the Comintern, a self-crafted tool set up for spreading the communist movement around the world, at its disposal. Thus, the revolution was masterminded by the Soviet authorities, whereas the Estonian communists were mainly responsible for its implementation. The task of the coup leadership was to seize power and hold on to it for some time, long enough to request that the USSR “renders support.” Preparations were underway for such support. This is evidenced by military preparations in the northern regions of the USSR and the territory near the Estonian border as well as by the deployment of Soviet ships in the vicinity of Tallinn and the activities of the Soviet embassy located in the capital. The attempted coup turned into a putsch due to the maximum conspiracy of their organizers. The conspiracy was brought about by the then-public awareness that the revolutionary events in Germany in 1923 had been instigated by the Soviets. The attempted coup in Estonia failed due to the extraordinary defensive operations put up by the Estonian authorities and power structures as well as due to the failure to involve the workers and the other strata of society in the coup.</p> <p xml:lang="en-US">Latvia, Estonia’s only ally, was the first country to stand by Estonia’s side after the country withstood the attempted coup. The lessons were learnt not only by these two countries but by Lithuania as well. They began taking adequate measures to stifle communist activities. Neither France nor England or any other Western state made plans to deploy their fleets to the Baltic Sea to support the Estonians or at least show, in a demonstrative way, their support in such a trying time. They also failed to hold any diplomatic démarches against the Soviets opposing the export of revolution practiced by the Soviets. Due to diplomatic pressure imposed by the USSR, Estonia could not publicly and officially name the actual organizers of the putsch. As a result, only the local communists were indiscriminately accused. Such forced tactics, if only indirectly, had at least partially been influencing the area of historical research as well.</p> <p xml:lang="en-US">However, the sudden and unequivocal liquidation of the putsch in Tallinn could have prompted the USSR to no longer expand its revolutionary export to the West, and the “abstinence” of such kind had lasted until the Second World War. The war itself and the previous collusion with Adolf Hitler made it possible for Stalin to cherish even greater ambitions to renew the spread of communism in other countries.</p> 2019-08-08T00:00:00+03:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## http://www.journals.vu.lt/lietuvos-istorijos-studijos/article/view/13787 The Social Portrait of the Most Active Communists and Their Supporters in the First Republic of Lithuania 2019-09-17T20:34:45+03:00 Marius Ėmužis marius.emuzis@gmail.com <p>The aim of this article is to provide a social portrait of the most active communists and their supporters who had participated in the illegal underground communist movement during the period of the First Lithuanian Republic (1918–1940). Also, we analyze the question of what socioeconomic conditions led these people to participate in or support the communist underground.&nbsp;<br>The biographies and biographical data of two hundred forty-two individuals (the most active members of the communist party of Lithuania, their supporters, and party leadership from 1926) were researched. The main source for such a study were autobiographies and questionnaires gathered by the former Institute of Party History of Soviet Lithuania. The social portrait was divided by studying the birthplace (city, town, or village), social origins, the situation of the wealth of the family, the education of the person, their marital status, children, occupation, and imprisonment.&nbsp;<br>Many causes (written in autobiographies) of why these individuals joined the communist movement were related to their socialization and social contacts (influence from parents, friends, school, etc.). But it cannot be said that only these causes were relevant. People were also influenced by their social background, education, and the welfare of their families. All these aspects were also interrelated. This problem must be analyzed using a multicausal approach.<br>There was not much quantitative difference between those who were born in the cities or in the villages, but when they began participating in the underground communist movement, their supporters mostly migrated to cities. Most of the analyzed people had come from workers’ families (about 40%) or the peasantry (28%). In total, about 70&nbsp;percent of them came from quite poor families&nbsp;– 47% of the analyzed individuals described in their autobiographies the poor financial conditions of their upbringing; others also described difficulties, having lost one or both of their parents. However, about 20% wrote that their families lived quite normally, although these individuals still joined the communist movement. This proves that not only the financial situation of families was the deciding factor.<br>The education acquired by these individuals was quite poor, too&nbsp;– about half had only primary education and did go to secondary school but did not finish it. About 13% had finished secondary schools, and only 5% acquired a higher degree diploma. The leadership of the CPL differed, as half of them had finished communist education schools in Moscow before returning to Lithuania.<br>Because of the illegal activities in which they were engaged, many active communists and their supporters did not have families of their own (only 27% were married), and many did not have children (only 15% had a child).<br>Most of the people analyzed were workers; some 9% did not have any long-term occupation, having to hide and move around a lot. About 12% were “professional revolutionaries” engaged in party work and were paid by the party. About 18% were pupils or students (mostly the supporters). Only about 14% worked as teachers, medics, accountants, etc. About half of these people were imprisoned at least once, and about 35% of them were imprisoned longer than 3 months. Party members were imprisoned more often and longer.</p> 2019-08-08T00:00:00+03:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## http://www.journals.vu.lt/lietuvos-istorijos-studijos/article/view/13788 “Imitating Bandits”: The Mimesis of Criminal Groups in Soviet Lithuania (1945–1957) 2019-09-17T20:34:38+03:00 Darius Indrišionis dindrisionis@gmail.com <p>During the 1940s–1950s, the Supreme Court of the Lithuanian SSR solved 44 criminal cases of “banditry” (Article 59 part 3 of RSFSR Criminal Code of 1926) with some noticeable facts of mimesis: these bandits, during their raids, were trying to create an illusion to their victims that these raids were performed by Lithuanian partisans (freedom fighters) or by some Soviet oficials (militia officers, the “defenders of the People,” or Soviet army personnel).&nbsp;<br>This article focuses on the mimesis of various criminal groups in Soviet Lithuania of the 1940s–1950s. The first issue to solve in this research is the problematic terminology used by the Soviets: the term&nbsp;<em>bandit</em>&nbsp;was oftenly used in Soviet ideological discourse: an attempt to intertwine anti-Soviet partisan operations (“political banditry,” according to Soviet terminology) and the activities of “simple criminals” (burglars, raiders, rapists, murderers&nbsp;– any of such organized groups were referred to as “criminal bandits” by Soviet terms) under a single dubious term&nbsp;– the&nbsp;<em>banditry</em>.&nbsp;<br>An analysis of criminal raids performed by fake partisan (or fake Soviet) bandit groups showed that criminals were more often inclinded to appear as if they were Soviets rather than partisans (21 bandit group used the mimesis of partisans, and 27 bandit groups used the mimesis of Soviets, while there were also 4 bandit groups that used both roles: fake partisans during one raid and fake Soviets during another). This can be explained by the bandits’ avoidance of becoming the targets of partisan revenge or by a large number of various criminals that migrated to Soviet Lithuania from the eastern republics of the Soviet Union. It may also be explained in terms of simpler imitation: for these criminals, it was more difficult to imitate Lithuanian partisans than Soviet militia.<br>The real widespread effect of this phenomenon cannot be easily revealed. As there several few different types of courts (Soviet military courts, the “People’s” courts) that could solve the criminal cases of various criminal bandits, it is not even possible to give a real number of all mimetic bandits that were active in Soviet Lithuania. Also, not every raid case was documented by the Soviet side; not every raid case was even reported to the Soviets. Sometimes, Lithuanian partisans used to catch and punish these criminals themselves&nbsp;– all these circumstances makes the task of stating the real number of bandit groups who used various mimesis techniques an unsolvable one.&nbsp;</p> 2019-08-08T00:00:00+03:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## http://www.journals.vu.lt/lietuvos-istorijos-studijos/article/view/13789 Discovering the Secret Listener: Western Radio Broadcasts to Soviet Lithuania 2019-09-17T20:34:30+03:00 Inga Arlauskaitė Zakšauskienė inga.zaksauskiene@if.vu.lt <p>The research of Western radio audiences in the Soviet Union was carried out by the department of Soviet Area Audience and Opinion Research, which was in charge of the RFE/RL; however, factual surveys were conducted by independent research institutes, which ensured that the results were neutral and no prejudices with regard to a particular broadcaster were present. The key indices to be measured were the size of the audience that listened to Western radio broadcasts as well as the listeners’ behavioral patterns. Making use of these parameters, the authorities of these radios were able to modify the character of radio programming, to design the content of the information provided, and to observe the potential influence of radio broadcasts in the context of ideological opposition. It is important to stress that based on the methodology and the amount of information available at that time, individual persons’ surveys conducted by Radio Liberty audience and the opinion research department were not adequate to what is considered, in the contemporary sense, proper public opinion research.</p> 2019-08-08T00:00:00+03:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## http://www.journals.vu.lt/lietuvos-istorijos-studijos/article/view/13790 Charles A. Beard. Ta kilni svajonė 2019-09-17T20:34:24+03:00 Mingailė Jurkutė info@leidykla.vu.lt <p>Išties pavaizdus Theodore’o Clarke’o Smitho tekstas, nors netapęs savaime reikšminga amerikiečių istorikų teorinės minties pozicija, vis dėlto tapo savotišku istoriografijos riboženkliu, o „kilnioji vizija“&nbsp;– metafora, nuo tada dažnai vartojama lengvai pašiepti istoristų ambiciją, empirinių (gamtamokslių) atradimų ir juos sekusių filosofinės minties pokyčių nulemtoje humanitarinių mokslų paradigminėje slinktyje tampančią vis mažiau pamatuota. Charleso Beardo, vieno įtakingiausių ir produktyviausių XX a. pirmos pusės amerikiečių istorikų, atsakymas, ginant tuo metu jau aiškiai susiformavusios „naujosios“ arba „progresyvistinės“ istorijos mokyklos (kuriai, be jo paties, reikėtų priskirti Jamesą Harwey’ų<em>&nbsp;</em>Robinsoną, Fredericką Jacksoną Turnerį ir Carlą L. Beckerį) teorines prielaidas, gal ir nėra jo geriausias teorinis tekstas, tačiau gerai reprezentuoja to laiko intelektualinį klimatą istorikų bendruomenėje už Atlanto.&nbsp;<br>Beardas buvo „progresyviausias“ iš ketverto, jaunystėje&nbsp;– krikščionis socialistas, ilgainiui praradęs tikėjimą ir socialinio teisingumo troškimą perkėlęs į (pasi)tikėjimą visuomenės mokslais, kuriuose laikėsi griežtos perskyros tarp jam milžinišką įtaką padariusio Karlo Marxo teorinių darbų ir jų piktnaudojimo praktiniame gyvenime (manydamas, kad taip su savo teorine mintimi elgėsi jau pats Marxas).<br>„Progresyviųjų istorikų“ tramplinas buvo besiformuojantys nauji socialiniai mokslai. Diskusijos apie objektyvumo prielaidas ir ribas prasidėjo tarp politologų, sociologų ir ekonomistų, o istorikų bendruomenę aplenkė dar kurį laiką. Nors pagrindinis „progresyvistų“ rūpestis buvo istorijos metodologija, rašydami apie socialinius klausimus jie metė socialinį iššūkį ne tik istoriografijai. Diduma senosios kartos amerikiečių istorikų buvo kilę iš sluoksnio, kurį būtų galima vadinti Amerikos aristokratija, turinčio luomui būdingą solidarumo jausmą. Ne be reikalo solidžiausias Beardo darbas, parašytas dirbant tuo metu akademinėje istorijoje lyderiavusiame Kolumbijos universitete, marksistinio materializmo idėjomis grįstas JAV konstitucijos tyrimas, sukėlė tokią sumaištį akademikų ir politikų sluoksniuose, jog pats Beardas savo mokiniui Arthurui Schlessingeriui patarė disertacijos įvade jo pavardės geriau neminėti. Belieka pridėti, kad, nors nagrinėjamas oponentas pasirinko ir labai vaizdingą žūtbūtiniame mūšyje besikaunančių istoristų pulkų metaforą, tikrovė buvo veikiau priešinga. Ir nors pasikeitęs kultūrinis, socialinis ir politinis klimatas tarpukario metais sukūrė ir skatino istorinį reliatyvizmą, tai buvo veikiau pionieriška, nei įsitvirtinusi kryptis.<br>Čia publikuojamas Charleso A. Beardo tekstas pirmą kartą pasirodė žurnale&nbsp;<em>The American Historical Review</em>&nbsp;(1935, vol. 41, no. 1). Jį iš anglų kalbos vertė ir įvadą parašė&nbsp;<strong>Mingailė Jurkutė</strong>.</p> 2019-08-08T00:00:00+03:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## http://www.journals.vu.lt/lietuvos-istorijos-studijos/article/view/13791 Vladas Švipas – Walter Gropius: laiškai, 1948–1953 m. 2019-09-17T20:34:17+03:00 Marija Drėmaitė info@leidykla.vu.lt Robertas Motuzas info@leidykla.vu.lt <p>Publikacijoje pristatoma architektų Walterio Gropiuso ir Vlado Švipo korespondencija (originalūs tekstai ir jų vertimai), saugoma Harvardo universiteto bibliotekoje (11 laiškų, 1948–1951) ir Bauhauzo archyve Berlyne (5 laiškai, 1953).</p> <p>Walter Gropius (1883–1969) – vienas žymiausių XX a. architektų, avangardinės dizaino mokyklos&nbsp;<em>Staatliches Bauhaus</em>&nbsp;(Bauhauzas), veikusios Vokietijoje Veimaro ir Desau miestuose 1919–1933 m., įkūrėjas ir ilgametis vadovas. Nacionalsocialistams 1933&nbsp;m. uždarius Bauhauzo mokyklą, daugelis kairiųjų pažiūrų ar žydų kilmės mokytojų buvo priversti emigruoti. Walter Gropius su šeima pirmiausia išvyko į Jungtinę Karalystę, o 1937 m. emigravo į JAV. 1937–1952 m. dirbo Harvardo universiteto Dizaino mokykloje (1938–1952 m. Architektūros fakulteto dekanas), 1946 m. įsteigė projektavimo biurą&nbsp;<em>The Architects’ Collaborative</em>&nbsp;(TAC). Palaikė ryšius su viso pasaulio architektais, padėjo daugeliui emigravusių vokiečių ir buvusių Bauhauzo kolegų bei studentų, tarp jų ir Vladui Švipui, architektui iš Lietuvos<sup xml:lang="en-GB"><a id="footnote-39527-1-backlink" href="#footnote-39527-1">1</a></sup>.</p> <p>Vladas Švipas (1900, Palėvenė–1965, Niujorkas) – architektas, vienintelis Bauhauzo mokyklos studentas iš Lietuvos, 1924–1928 m. studijavęs Veimare ir Desau. Architekto-inžinieriaus diplomą įgijo 1928 m. Oldenburgo politechnikos institute. Švipas atstovauja naujosios kartos tarpukario Lietuvos architektams, kurie, išsilavinę Vakaruose, įsitraukė į Lietuvos valstybės statybos projektą demonstruodami naują architektų socialinį vaid­menį modernizuojant aplinką ir visuomenę<sup xml:lang="en-GB"><a id="footnote-39527-2-backlink" href="#footnote-39527-2">2</a></sup>. Nuo 1927 m. Vladas Švipas plačiai skleidė Bauhauzo moderniosios architektūros idėjas Lietuvoje<sup xml:lang="en-GB"><a id="footnote-39527-3-backlink" href="#footnote-39527-3">3</a></sup>, 1938 m. su kolega Vladu Juodeika parengė visos Lietuvos statybų pramonės modernizavimo programą – „Mūrinės Lietuvos planą“<sup xml:lang="en-GB"><a id="footnote-39527-4-backlink" href="#footnote-39527-4">4</a></sup>, 1929–1940 m., dirbdamas Žemės ūkio rūmų Statybos skyriuje (nuo 1932 m. – vedėjas), aktyviai organizavo Lietuvos kaimo modernizavimo programą, leido šviečiamąją literatūrą<sup xml:lang="en-GB"><a id="footnote-39527-5-backlink" href="#footnote-39527-5">5</a></sup>. Nuo 1940 m. rugpjūčio iki 1941 m. birželio – sovietinio Žemės ūkio komisariato Kapitalinės statybos valdybos viršininkas; 1941–1944 m. Statybos valdybos (okupacinės valdžios) direktorius<sup xml:lang="en-GB"><a id="footnote-39527-6-backlink" href="#footnote-39527-6">6</a></sup>. 1944 m. su žmona Brone (Kairyte), dukterimis Raminta (g. 1934) ir Jolanta Daiva (g. 1937) pasitraukė į Vokietiją, nuo 1946&nbsp;m. gyveno Dilingeno išvietintųjų asmenų (<em>Displaced persons</em>, D. P.) stovykloje<sup xml:lang="en-GB"><a id="footnote-39527-7-backlink" href="#footnote-39527-7">7</a></sup>&nbsp;Vokietijoje, rengėsi emigruoti į JAV ir galiausiai 1949 m. įsikūrė Niujorke. Dirbo projektavimo biuruose, aktyviai įsitraukė į JAV lietuvių inžinierių veiklą<sup xml:lang="en-GB"><a id="footnote-39527-8-backlink" href="#footnote-39527-8">8</a></sup>. Mirė 1965 m. Niujorke.</p> <p>Harvardo (JAV) universiteto Houghtono bibliotekoje saugoma Walterio Gropiuso pobauhauzinio laikotarpio dokumentų kolekcija (40 dėžių) – dokumentai ir korespondencija su JAV, Europos ir Japonijos architektais (Mies van der Rohe, Alvar Aalto ir kt.), tapytojais (Lyonel Feininger), buvusiais studentais, šeima, draugais, leidėjais ir asmenimis, susijusiais su architektūra, urbanistika, statyba. Reikšmingiausią šios kolekcijos dalį sudaro korespondencija su buvusiais Bauhauzo mokyklos atstovais (Josef Albers, Marcel Breuer, Gerhard Marcks, Lásló Moholy-Nagy ir kt.). Tarp jų yra ir 11 korespondencijos vienetų<sup xml:lang="en-GB"><a id="footnote-39527-9-backlink" href="#footnote-39527-9">9</a></sup>&nbsp;su Vladu Švipu. Laiškai rašyti 1948–1951 m., kai Vladas Švipas su šeima gyveno Dilingeno išvietintųjų asmenų stovykloje ir rengėsi emigruoti į JAV.</p> <p>Berlyno Bauhauzo archyve (<em>Bauhaus Archiv Berlin</em>) taip pat yra sudarytas specia­lus Walterio Gropiuso fondas (Walter-Gropius-Archiv), kuriame yra saugoma 5 000 nuotraukų ir 14 000 rašytinių dokumentų – daugiausia jo korespondencija nuo 1910 iki 1969 m. su daugiau nei tūkstančiu korespondentų. Kolekcijoje yra saugomi penki Švipo ir Gropiuso korespondencijos vienetai, rašyti 1953 m.<sup xml:lang="en-GB"><a id="footnote-39527-10-backlink" href="#footnote-39527-10">10</a></sup>, kai, gyvendamas ir dirbdamas Niujorke, Vladas Švipas siekė gauti architekto licenciją.</p> <p>1948–1953 m. korespondencija tarp Švipo ir Gropiuso atskleidžia šiltus buvusio mokinio ir mokytojo santykius, abiejų susirūpinimą Bauhauzo mokyklos likimu ir Gropiuso pagalbą Švipui imigruojant į Ameriką. 1949 m. į Niujorką atvykęs Švipas laikinai įsikūrė kito buvusio bauhauzininko, Alexanderio (Xanti) Schawinskyʼio, bute, o darbo jam ieškoti padėjo buvęs Bauhauzo dėstytojas, garsusis dizaineris Marcel Breuer.</p> <p>Walterio Gropiuso korespondencija yra unikalus šaltinis tyrinėjant XX a. architektūros istoriją, plačiai pasitelkiamas architektūros tyrėjų nagrinėjant Bauhauzo mokyklos idėjas, įtaką kitų šalių architektams, tarptautinės architektų bendruomenės ryšius ir t.&nbsp;t.<sup xml:lang="en-GB"><a id="footnote-39527-11-backlink" href="#footnote-39527-11">11</a></sup>&nbsp;Walterio Gropiuso ir Vlado Švipo korespondencijos publikavimas yra pirmasis šios kolekcijos įtraukimas į lietuviškąją istoriografiją, tikintis, kad tai paskatins didesnį domėjimąsi moderniosios architektūros tyrimais Lietuvoje, praturtins lituanistinius tyrimus bei išeivijos studijas.</p> <p>Laiškus iš anglų kalbos vertė ir redagavo:<strong>&nbsp;Robertas Motuzas, Marija Drėmaitė<br></strong>Laiškus iš vokiečių kalbos vertė ir redagavo:<strong>&nbsp;Robertas Motuzas, Emilija Jovaišaitė,</strong>&nbsp;konsultavo<strong>&nbsp;Rimvydas Petrauskas</strong></p> 2019-08-08T00:00:00+03:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## http://www.journals.vu.lt/lietuvos-istorijos-studijos/article/view/13792 Ars memoriae. Ankstyvųjų Naujųjų laikų žmogaus atminties realijos 2019-09-17T20:34:10+03:00 Povilas Andrius Stepavičius info@leidykla.vu.lt <p>Rec.: Judith Pollmann, Memory in Early Modern Europe, 1500–1800, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017.</p> 2019-08-08T00:00:00+03:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement##