Politologija https://www.journals.vu.lt/politologija <p>Founded in 1989 and dedicated to publishing articles on political science and international relations, and interdisciplinary topics. Indexed in the <em>Scopus</em> (Q4) database since 2012.</p> en-US <p>Please read the Copyright Notice in&nbsp;<a href="http://www.zurnalai.vu.lt/politologija/journalpolicy">Journal Policy</a>.&nbsp;</p> justinas.dementavicius@tspmi.vu.lt (Justinas Dementavičius) vigintas.stancelis@kf.vu.lt (Vigintas Stancelis) Mon, 10 Oct 2022 06:35:05 +0000 OJS http://blogs.law.harvard.edu/tech/rss 60 Edström Håkan, Dennis Gyllensporre, Jacob Westberg. Military strategy of small states: responding to external shocks of the 21st century. Routledge, 2019, 197 p. https://www.journals.vu.lt/politologija/article/view/29743 <p>-</p> Dovydas Rogulis (Author) Copyright (c) 2022 Dovydas Rogulis (Author) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 https://www.journals.vu.lt/politologija/article/view/29743 Fri, 02 Dec 2022 07:18:07 +0000 Maybe It’s Time to change the Order of the Seimas Elections? https://www.journals.vu.lt/politologija/article/view/26359 <p>This article discusses the problems of the mixed parallel voting electoral system applied in the Seimas elections, paying more attention to its geographical aspect – the problems caused by the frequent redrawing of single-member constituencies due to demographic processes. The article presents the principles and methods of electoral constituency delimitation in other countries, the experience gained during the redrawing of the boundaries of single-member constituencies for the 2016 and 2020 Seimas elections, and highlights the problems encountered. The problems of the Lithuanian electoral system discussed in the article are recommended to be solved in the future by using only proportional representation for the election of the Seimas, dividing the state into 6 multi-member constituencies (the 7th constituency is for citizens of our country living abroad), which would be formed on the basis of counties, merging smaller counties together. A similar procedure for the election of the Seimas in Lithuania was applied in the third decade of the 20th century, therefore, this reform should be called the restitution of the interwar parliamentary elections.</p> Rolandas Tučas | Giedrius Kanapka (Author) Copyright (c) 2022 Rolandas Tučas | Giedrius Kanapka (Author) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 https://www.journals.vu.lt/politologija/article/view/26359 Thu, 01 Dec 2022 08:40:13 +0000 The Structure of Strategic Communications during the War: the Case-Study of the Telegram Channel Insider Ukraine https://www.journals.vu.lt/politologija/article/view/28365 <p>This&nbsp; article&nbsp; focuses&nbsp; at&nbsp; the issue of strategic communications of Ukraine during the Russian-Ukrainian war, which began on February 24, 2022. The authors consider strategic communications as a system consisting of invariant and variable components that can be projected in media reports. The authors proceed from the fact that, on the one hand, the media are an instrument of strategic communications, and on the other, strategic communications are transformed, reflected in media reports. The study is aimed to reveal the structure of strategic communications, which is characteristic of the period of armed conflict. Reports of the <em>Insider Ukraine </em><em>Telegram </em><em>channel</em> during the first 100 days of the war were analyzed. On the basis of a reflexive thematic analysis, using a one-way dispersion analysis, it has been found out that the strategic communications of Ukraine during the war period consist of the following invariant components: interactive communications of Ukraine, operational communications of Ukraine, extraoperational communications of Ukraine, operational and extraoperational communications concerning the RF. These generalized components have their own sub-components, the intensity or total absence of which in media reports can be related to specific events of the war period. This study contributes to the understanding of the structure of strategic communications in general and during the war in particular.</p> Nataliia Karpchuk | Bohdan Yuskiv | Oksana Pelekh (Author) Copyright (c) 2022 Nataliia Karpchuk | Bohdan Yuskiv | Oksana Pelekh (Author) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 https://www.journals.vu.lt/politologija/article/view/28365 Fri, 11 Nov 2022 06:45:22 +0000 Populist Attitudes and Voting: Does Populist Voters vote for New Political Parties? (The Case of 2016 Seimas Elections?) https://www.journals.vu.lt/politologija/article/view/24873 <p>Concerming the success of new/renewed political parties in Lithuania, quite often they are labelled as populist ones .This article seeks to answer the question – do populist attitudes of individuals could be variables that explains voting for new political parties? Firstly, we analyze the structure of populist attitudes in Lithunia. The analysis using attitudes measures suggested by CSES revealed that these attitudes fits theorectical expectations quite well. Two dimensions of populist attitudes can be distinguished – anti-elitism and the one concerning peoples role in politics. Futher analysis of electoral behavior, that populist attitudes does not explain voting for the new political party, other variables such as political support/trust does explain it better. However the analysis is limited to one elections and one political party, so the conclusions should be considered with caution and further analysis is needed.</p> Paulius Skirkevičius (Author) Copyright (c) 2022 Paulius Skirkevičius (Author) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 https://www.journals.vu.lt/politologija/article/view/24873 Tue, 18 Oct 2022 05:43:51 +0000 Memory in Family: Theoretical Aspects and Insights from the Study on Past Regime’s Memory Transmission https://www.journals.vu.lt/politologija/article/view/27672 <p>Difficult state-level questions of how to remember previous regimes are particularly linked with the „consumer“ side&nbsp;– specific areas of mnemonic socialization, such as families. A new generation raised during post-soviet transformations makes meaning of the recent past they have no direct or very limited experience of. This once again actualizes the questions of memory transmission within specific groups such as families initially analyzed in the case of memory of the crimes against humanity, mainly Holocaust. This article presents a theoretical overview of the factors to be kept mind in order to understand the remembering process within families: identification with the family memories, mnemonic socialization, loyalty relations, memory media and relation with the collective memory. Theoretical insights are supplemented by the empirical date of Lithuanian case (16 family conversations conducted in 2018–2020). Oldest members of the family still recall the begining of the previous regime, parents were raised in it whereas the third family generation was educated with a strong state emphasis on the previous regime as occupation and repressions-based period of the past. Those family experiences failing to fall into the category of a victim become uncomfortable. A shadow of collaboration imposed by the collective memory level leads to silencing or justification of those family memories.</p> Liucija Vervečkienė (Author) Copyright (c) 2022 Liucija Vervečkienė (Author) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 https://www.journals.vu.lt/politologija/article/view/27672 Mon, 10 Oct 2022 06:27:39 +0000 What Kind of Lithuania are We Fighting for When We Fight for the Lithuanian Freedom Fighters’ Memorial? https://www.journals.vu.lt/politologija/article/view/25030 <p>Efforts to build a memorial to Lithuanian freedom fighters in Lukiškės Square in Vilnius have been fruitless for the third decade. During this period, as many as four competitions for artistic ideas were organized, but due to the dissatisfaction of various groups in society, no project was implemented in the square. The article analyzes the 2012-2020 period, which is framed by two state-organized competitions. Applying Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe’s discourse theory, it is aimed to open the very core of the conflict and to explain how and what historical memories of the Lithuanian freedom fighters are articulated by competing discourses consisting of linguistic and non-linguistic practices. Statements of politicians, cultural professionals, and the public in the national media and their <em>modus operandi</em> allow to identify opposite concepts of freedom, state, freedom fighters, monument, and its functions, and to single out the essential trophy of the competing discourses, an idea on which the public sharply disagrees.</p> Rūta Statulevičiūtė-Kaučikienė (Author) Copyright (c) 2022 Rūta Statulevičiūtė-Kaučikienė (Author) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 https://www.journals.vu.lt/politologija/article/view/25030 Tue, 23 Aug 2022 03:56:18 +0000 Visual Securitization: Commemorating the Partisan War in Lithuanian Foreign and Security Policy https://www.journals.vu.lt/politologija/article/view/25017 <p>In 2008 and 2014 the Russian-Georgian war, the military conflict in Ukraine, and the annexation of Crimea have had an impact on Lithuanian foreign and security policy. In the context of these events, Lithuania was concerned about the mobilization of conventional security measures, i.e., strengthening its national defense sector. However, the role as well as the impact of “soft” (unconventional) response devices and strategies in the Lithuanian case has still received little academic interest. This paper, using the analysis of visual collective memory practices (monuments), aims to show the links between collective memory as well as its visually tangible forms and the formation of foreign and security policy in Lithuania. By examining the visual practices reminiscent of guerrilla warfare built in Lithuanian public spaces after 2014, it is revealed how the use of collective memory contributed to the perceived threat from Russia, which had a significant impact on the formation and implementation of foreign and security policy.</p> Viktorija Rimaitė-Beržiūnienė (Author) Copyright (c) 2022 Viktorija Rimaitė-Beržiūnienė (Author) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 https://www.journals.vu.lt/politologija/article/view/25017 Tue, 23 Aug 2022 03:49:35 +0000 Editorial Board and Table of Contents https://www.journals.vu.lt/politologija/article/view/29127 <p>-</p> Copyright (c) 2022 Authors http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 https://www.journals.vu.lt/politologija/article/view/29127 Mon, 22 Aug 2022 00:00:00 +0000 Bibliographic Data https://www.journals.vu.lt/politologija/article/view/29128 <p>-</p> Copyright (c) 2022 Authors http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 https://www.journals.vu.lt/politologija/article/view/29128 Mon, 22 Aug 2022 00:00:00 +0000 Preface https://www.journals.vu.lt/politologija/article/view/29129 <p>Šis „Politologijos“ tomas jau trečias, skirtas politikos ir medijų, politikos ir vizualumo sąsajoms ir jų probleminimui: pirmieji du pasirodė 2013/1 (69) ir 2018/2 (90). Jo sumanymo centre – pažiūrėti, kaip atrodo valstybės ir įvairaus tipo vizualumo sampynos. 1998 m. Jamesas C. Scottas parašė knygą „Matyti kaip valstybė“, kurioje regėjimo, vizijų ir vaizdinių žodyną sykiu naudojo kaip žinojimo, valdymo ir rinkos metaforas ir analizavo vizualias formas, pavyzdžiui, urbanistinį ir žemės ūkio planavimą, kurias šios valdymo ir ekonominės vizijos įgauna. Knygos populiarumas sukūrė pavadinimo formulę, vėliau ne sykį atkartotą – iš įvairių kontekstų ateinantys autoriai ir autorės analizavo, kaip mato kontrabandininkai, feministės, miestas, aktyvistės|ai ir kiti veikėjai ir dariniai. Tokios žiūros sąsajos su valstybe taip pat užčiuopiamos, tačiau svarbu susikoncentruoti į tai, kaip ji mato ir matoma, kaip kuria ir kontroliuoja regimą ir virtualią erdvę, kokias derybas dėl politinių simbolių palaiko, o kokius simbolinius konfliktus malšina.</p> <p>Dauguma šio specialaus tomo „Valstybės vizualumas“ straipsnių skirti Lietuvai, jos simboliškai reikšmingoms erdvėms ir patiems simboliams. Tomą pradeda Viktorijos Rimaitės-Beržiūnienės straipsnis „Vizualioji saugumizacija: partizaninio karo įpaminklinimas Lietuvos<em>&nbsp;</em>užsienio ir saugumo politikoje“, analizuojantis istorijos politikos elementą – nuo 2014 m. suintensyvėjusį paminklų statymą partizaniniam karui atminti – ontologinio saugumo ir tarptautinės politikos kontekste. Kitaip tariant, šis tekstas žvelgia į paminklų statymą ne vien kaip į vidinį procesą, bet „partizaninio judėjimo vizualųjį įpaminklinimą Lietuvoje suvokiant per Rusijos sugrėsminimo prizmę“, ir šį procesą mato skirtą dvejopai auditorijai – valstybės vidinei ir išorinei.</p> <p>Paminklų temą valstybei svarbiose reprezentacinėse erdvėse tęsia Rūtos Statulevičiūtės-Kaučikienės straipsnis „Už kokią Lietuvą kovojame, kai kovojame dėl memorialo kovotojams už<em>&nbsp;</em>Lietuvos laisvę?“, gvildenantis diskursinį konfliktą, susiformavusį svarstant alternatyvius Lukiškių aikštės paminklo projektus. Analizės, pasitelkiančios istorinės atminties ir istorinės vaizduotės tyrimų žodyną, fokusą sudaro Ernesto Laclau ir Chantal Mouffe diskursinių konfliktų teorija. Ši prieiga leidžia parodyti „vytininkų“ ir „kalvelininkų“ konkuruojančių diskursų vidinę sąrangą ir šiuos diskursus grindžiančio skirtingo valstybės ir asmens laisvių santykio niuansus.</p> <p>Vytis skirtingais virtualiais ir materialiais pavidalais tampa centrine Monikos Gimbutaitės straipsnio „Į naujus kontekstus išjojęs Vytis: kaip besikeičiantis simbolio vartojimas siejasi su<em>&nbsp;</em>nacionalizmo temperatūra?“ figūra. Ši analizė pastebi 2013–2019 m. Vyčio simbolio viešo naudojimo suintensyvėjimą ir šio naudojimo persikėlimą į iki tol mažiau būdingas ir visai nebūdingas sritis (nuo komercijos iki individualių įkūnytų praktikų) ir sieja šį reiškinį su Michaelo Billigo banaliojo nacionalizmo teorija. Šios pradinė versija ir jos vėlesnės korekcijos leidžia autorei parodyti, kaip šylančio ir šąlančio nacionalizmo netolydus pasiskirstymas, įžvelgiamas analizuojant Vyčio simbolio naudojimą, susijęs su vidinių ir išorinių grėsmių naratyvais.</p> <p>Straipsnių bloką užbaigia Skaidros Trilupaitytės tekstas „Vizualioji kontrolė šiandienos visuomenėse:<em>&nbsp;</em>veidų ir emocijų (ne)atpažinimas“. Šis straipsnis perkelia dėmesį į valstybės ir korporacijų interesus veidų atpažinimo technologijų srityje. Vizualiosios (individų ir populiacijos) kontrolės prielaidos ir mechanizmai analizuojami juos galiausiai „nuleidžiant ant žemės“ – nubrėžiant kontūrus trijų (Jungtinių Amerikos Valstijų, Europos Sąjungos ir Lietuvos) žiniasklaidos siūlomų interpretacinių schemų, taikomų reflektuojant veido atpažinimo technologijų grėsmes ir pranašumus.</p> <p>Justino Lingevičiaus recenzija apžvelgia kiek rečiau akademiniuose žurnaluose recenzuojamą leidinių tipą – Indrės Šerpytytės ir Valentyno Odnoviuno albumus, pristatančius jų projektus, skirtus SSRS ir kitų socialistinio bloko šalių represinėms institucijoms. Abiejų kūrėjų tyrimai ir galutiniai kūriniai apmąsto, kaip šios institucijos matė ir kaip mes galime arba negalime pamatyti jų pasaulį, o recenzija šiuos darbus ir leidinius pristato šūkio&nbsp;<em>niekada vėl</em>&nbsp;kontekste.</p> <p>Tebevykstant Ukrainos karui šis priesakas ir įsipareigojimas išnyra iš veik rutinizuoto politinio žodyno ir nurodo būtinybę apmąstyti, įžodinti radikalią valstybės – Rusijos – agresiją. Kone visos analitinės pastangos susiduria su ne vien informacijos, bet ir tinkamo konceptualaus aparato stygiumi, bent daliniu analitiniu nebylumu ir daugybinėmis aklosiomis zonomis. Nenusukime žvilgsnio, neapleiskime paieškų.</p> <p>Tomo sudarytoja<br><em>Natalija Arlauskaitė</em></p> Natalija Arlauskaitė (Author) Copyright (c) 2022 Authors http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 https://www.journals.vu.lt/politologija/article/view/29129 Mon, 22 Aug 2022 00:00:00 +0000